The early response to automatic enrolment has been positive but the government can still do more to encourage saving, especially for the young and the self-employed.Read More
The Conservative Party is about to undertake a comprehensive review of its philosophy and policies. That quest should be primarily shaped by considerations of intellectual integrity. It is, though, both inevitable and proper that matters of political calculation might conceivable enter the equation.
Will the proposals in this document do anything to reverse the disastrous decline and disintegration of family life? Is there a serious agenda to restore marriage? Or is this another “excess of rhetoric”?
Conservative MP for Havant and Shadow Secretary of State for Education and Employment, David Willets looks at how the Conservative Party has consistently characterised the nation.
David Selbourne investigates the first twelve months of the 'new' Labour Government and the contradictions at the heart of their politics.
Jeffrey Archer looks at London, and argues that more investment should be going into the capital rather than using it to subsidise the rest of the UK.
Conservative Party leader William Hague MP delivers a speech to the Centre for Policy Studies on Constitutional change and tradition.
It is generally agreed that, whatever other outcomes may be desirable for schools to foster – and there are many of them -, the standards achieved are the most important. It is also accepted that the funds available for education are finite – and that it is essential that what money is available is spent effectively.
Britain’s relationship with Europe since 1945 has been an agony of compromise. An active British involvement in a European political identity was being considered as early as 1947-8 by Ernest Bevin with his short-lived flirtation with the notion of Britain leading a global ‘third force’. And, since 1961, successive governments have sought qualified involvement with ‘the European project’.
There is a hole in the heart of the Conservative Party which has been torn wide open by the unprecedented general election defeat of May 1997 and Labour’s deft performance in office.
Twenty years after the first edition of this pamphlet appeared, it remains part of contemporary political folklore that a restrictive and diverse class system is the bane of this country. The system is supposed to be a major barrier to economic progress in Britain and also a significant source of justified social discontent. This is untrue.
The Treaty of Amsterdam may be upon us within weeks. This Treaty could be of critical importance for the future of the United Kingdom as an independent nation state. The obscure but important workings which have led up to it have escaped public attention because of the General Election. They deserve now to become centre state.
It is becoming clear that the United Kingdom will be fortunate not to be a founder member of the EMU when it is launched on 1 January 1999. Once they have embarked, all those countries which do join will have the same short-term interest rates – yet the representatives of each country will only have the influence of a single voter over their determination.
This pamphlet considers the report of the National Committee on Higher Education, Higher Education in the Learning Society (‘the Report’ or ‘Dearing’). This Committee, under the Chairmanship of Sir Ron Dearing, was set up by Mrs Shephard as Secretary of State for Education and Employment in 1996, jointly with her then shadow David Blunkett.
I was delighted to be asked by the Centre for Policy studies to give this lecture. But as a member of the Cabinet which led the Conservative Party to its greatest ever defeat, and as a former Member of Parliament who lost to Labour on a 17% swing, you will understand that I am not here to lecture anyone.