Robert Colvile and Daniel Mahoney warn Philip Hammond not let recent economic figures tempt him into ending austerity, the Chancellor has no room for complacency.Read More
In this study we have tried to achieve a blending of research, represented in our group by John Croft CBE, formerly Head of Research at the Home Office; the political knowledge of John Wheeler JP, MP, who was formerly a member of the prisons service, and is mainly responsible for this paper; the practical experience of barristers who also sit in the criminal courts on occasion as recorders; as well as the experience of two magistrates.
The Commission for Racial Equality, as it likes to tell us in its advertisements, “was set up by the Race Relations Act 1776 whit he duties of working towards the elimination of discrimination and promoting equality of opportunity and good relations between different racial groups generally.” These are indeed admirable objectives, which no person of goodwill could fail to share. Certainly racism is an outrage; if but only if, that is, the word “racism” is, as it should be, constructed as meaning the advantaging or disadvantaging of individuals for no other or better reason than that they happen to be members of this racial group rather than that.
The right of employees to withdraw their labour in an organised fashion was achieved slowly and, it must be admitted, sometimes painfully during the nineteenth century and in the first years of this century. The background was one in which employees individually worked at a great economic disadvantage vis-à-vis the employer, and one in which some employers were willing to exploit their advantage.
The purpose of this Paper is to try to establish what kind of European Community Britain should be working to bring about in the next 20 years or so. It seeks to provide an answer to two broad questions: what realistically can Britain and her Partners hope to achieve in the longer term though membership of the Community; and what changes or developments and needed in the Community for those hopes to be realised?
Let us start with a little vignette. The scene is the Cabinet Room. The date is 18 October 1945. The new Labour government is less than three months old. And the Cabinet is meeting to hear Mr Bevan;s proposals to take the hospitals into public ownership. Nothing so odd about that, you might say. We all knew that Labour nationalised health.
This report analyses some of the disturbing trends which have emerged recently in Local Government, which have serious implications for democracy in Britain. Indeed, the combination of these trends may be so sinister as to warrant the description, “The New Corruption”.
A government that has set its face against incomes policies in any form has left untouched in striking anomaly; the wages councils. These still regulate, though not with excessive zeal. The wages of nearly three million workers: about one worker in every eight.
Inadequate salaries and continued governmental intervention in the running of nationalised industries have actively discouraged able men from accepting senior management responsibility in the nationalised industries. The temptation to blame defective management and disruptive workforces for all the ills of nationalisation frequently disguises the fact that governments are at least equally responsible for the plight of ailing state industries.
Between 1975, when the Company became state-aided, and in January 1983, BL received £2,051m from the Government. Except for the loans from the NEB which were subsequently converted into equity and the stake in Wholesale Vehicle Finance Ltd. Neither interest nor dividend has been paid on this sum.
There should be a fundamental review of pension legislation to remove the penalty on changing jobs, to aid mobility and to link individuals more closely with the wealth represented by their pension fund.
It is neither a new nor a difficult notion. Education vouchers, perhaps better called education allowances, are on old and simple suggestion. Yet it is a suggestion offering quite enormous promise. There is no doubt that today and in our country this idea is an idea whose time has come.
In this paper I argue that the nation would be best served by amending the present plans for a monumental new British library. My suggestion is that the Library should limit itself to carrying out a modified version of its first stage as announced by the then Secretary of State for Education and Science in March 1979, approved by the then Minister for the Arts in November 1980, and embarked upon in 1982.
In January 1981 two of the present authors wrote a report for the CPS, The Inner London Education Authority: A Case for Reform. In it they trace the development of the ILEA since it was set up under the London government act of 1963, looked at its composition and constitution, drew attention to a number of features which caused concern, concluded that there was need for reform and ended by putting forward recommendations.
The right of employees to withdraw their labour in an organised fashion was achieved slowly and it must be admitted, sometimes painfully during the nineteenth century and in the first years of this century. The background was one in which employees individually worked at great economic disadvantages vis-à-vis the employer and one in which some employers were willing to exploit their advantage.